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Religious Organizations Network

Chaldean Catholic Church and National Politics

Posted: Wednesday, February 19, 2003 at 10:31 AM CT


Related Information

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Official Release - Reference: U.S. Census 2000  


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Conflicts of the Chaldo/Assyrian Case

 
George Kiraz and the Syriac Digital Library

The main characteristics, boundaries and the name of the Chaldean Catholic Church were officially reconciled and legally defined in the middle of the 19th century, in December 1847 to be exact. For the first time the Vatican granted Mar Yousif Oudo the title of "Chaldean Patriarch in Babylon". His Church, consequently, was recognized by the Ottoman authorities and included within the denominational decree of the "Millet", an organizing relationship between the ruling Muslims and submissive Non-Muslims. Since then, the Church has remained always and continuously loyal to the local and central authorities and never was involved in politics or demanded any political or nationalistic rights or claimed a specific and exclusive ethnicity, separate from followers of the other branches of the Church of the East, in particular her mother Church, the Nestorian. [websites]

Since the emerging period of nationalism, the official Catholic Church had severely opposed such ideology and fought all nationalistic movements. In 1894, a Synod of 35 Catholic bishops was held in Vienna, Austria to discuss nationalism and national liberation, the principles which demanded dismantling of empires and establishing national states based on language, culture, etc. The bishops initiated their meeting by giving thanks to Franz Joseph (1830 - 1916) the Emperor of Austria and Hungary, "who received from heaven the message of managing, strengthening and uniting all peoples in one Empire". In their conclusion, they declared that "the difference of people in languages, which is the fundamental basis of nationalism, is a consequence of sin and aberration and it is evidence of the Mighty God's fury upon human being".

It was expected of the Chaldean Catholic Church to be affected by such a stand toward nationalism, limiting her interests, claims and activities within denominational boundaries. However, by the time 'nationalism' and other principles of liberation & self-determination reached the Ottoman Empire, the situation of the peoples and the Catholic Church began changing, yet the Chaldean Catholic Church and her clergies never altered their position.

In spite of the Turks' proclamation of "Jihad" or Holly War against Christians and the participation of France - the defender of the Catholic minorities in the Ottoman Empire - against the Turks, the Chaldean Church remained the same and very loyal to the collapsing Turkish authority. Moreover, the Church stood against the few followers who were involved in Assyrian nationalistic movement and promoted the ideology of nationalism. This attitude gave Turkey a good opportunity to exploit and use against the growing Assyrian national movement led by the Patriarch of the Assyrian 'Nestorian' Church of the East. In March 1918, Patriarch Mar Benyamin Shimon was assassinated by the Kurdish Agha Simko Shikaki, and subsequently succeeded by his brother Mar Polous Shimon. The Turkish authorities tried to exploit this tragic situation by using the Chaldean Patriarch Mar Emmanuel Yousef in convincing Mar Polous Shimon to accept Turkish offer and submit to the authorities. All efforts and attempts were without success. In 1920 when Mar Polous passed away, his followers, lacking a church building in Baghdad, approached Mar Emanuel for his permission to perform the burial ceremonial and bury Mar Polous' body in a Chaldean church. The Chaldean Patriarch rejected their request. Their Armenian counterparts accepted the request however.

After WWI, the whole world changed their views on nationalism, yet the Chaldean Church did not. The Ottoman Empire vanished. New national movements emerged in the region, including those of the Arabs, Jews, Assyrians, Armenians and Kurdish. The modern Turkish state was founded and other nation-states were established. New Arab countries were created and officially, the main part of Mesopotamia was announced as a new state of Iraq and accordingly the Assyrian national movement was shaped. The hurricane of WWI and its consequences never swung Chaldeans' doctrine of avoiding politics, or adopting a nationalist posture or claiming ethnical or national rights. On the contrary, the Church and her clergies continued affirming their loyalty to the dominant authorities, practicing St. Mathew's Chapter "Give to Caesar what is Caesar's, and to God what is God's" - (Mathew 22:21), and following St Paul's preaching at Rome "Everybody must submit himself to the governing authorities, for there is no authority except that which God has established. The authorities that exist have been established by God. Consequently, he who rebels against the authority is rebelling against what God has instituted, and those who do so will bring judgment on themselves …" (Romans 13).

Everywhere and at any period, the Chaldean Church as a great church and her clergies as the most educated believers of the Church of the East, were following God's words in perfect manner. During the direct British administration of Iraq (1917-1921), the office of the British Civil Commissioner conducted a referendum on the type of the expected political systems in Iraq (See Self Determination in Iraq, Office of Civil Commissioner 1914-1917, British Library Document ST.48/14), and the Chaldean Church and community opinion was as follows:
 

We the community of Chaldean Catholic greet the Empire of Great Britain which has freed us from the bondage of the Turks, and delivered us from the trails under which we laboured. We entreat your Excellency to endeavor to ensure that we remain under the shade of the British Empire. Thus, we shall be able like other nations, to live in a state of progress, achievement and prosperity, and to pray ever for his Majesty King George V now happily upon the throne.

— Signed by the Chaldean Patriarch and some 30 of the most prominent members of the Chaldean Catholic community in Mosul.

It is not necessary to compare the Chaldean Catholic Church's stand on being involved in the national politics, or her claims for specific rights with that of the other branch of the Church of the East, namely the Assyrian 'Nestorian' Church. This is well detailed in many resources. However, it is very important and unique to compare that with the Syriac Orthodox Church. In the same document, the opinion of the Syriac clergies and their followers was as follows:
 

We the entire nation of the Old Syrians, known under the name of Jacobites, join with the Protestant community in offering our thanks to God. He has delivered us from the bondage of the Turks by the entrance of the victorious British forces into our city - Mosul, and these forces have won us our freedom after we had haled to the condition of slaves - the same freedom of which Great Britain entered the war and which one has made such efforts to attain. We who belong to the Assyrian race are among the delivered. Our primary need is a government to direct our business, instruct our youth, bring up our children, place us in the rank of civilized nations, assure security in our land and set straight our circumstances. These blessings we cannot obtain but by the aid of capable men to take in hand the management of our affairs. Seeing that our community has no capable men to undertake so vital services and that for the present we cannot govern ourselves, we earnestly beg the British Empire itself to deign to govern our Assyrian community dwelling throughout the Vilayet of Mosul until such time as we can govern ourselves. For this favor, we offer our thanks to Great Britain. Trusting in this we have signed and presented this declaration in the city of Mosul and the villages around. We beg your King George V.

— Signed by the Jacobite Archbishop of Mosul and some 30 of the leading men of his community, and few Protestant representatives.

In 1921 the Iraqi civil government was established, the British Mandate was lifted, Iraq was announced as independent country and in 1932 entered the League of Nations without binding the new and inexperienced country with any guarantee and liabilities on minorities protection. The case of Assyrians was the most burning problem at the time. The Simel Massacre was committed in 1933 against the Assyrian Nestorians. The old-new fascist method used by the Ottomans revived by the Iraqi Generals and Pashas who practiced it on the Assyrian population. All these tragic developments greatly affected other Christian minorities. Fears and servility continued dominating their state of mind and feelings toward the Muslim rulers.

Eventually this led the Chaldeans to reaffirm their loyalty to the new government and remained more disassociated from the national politics or any claim for specific ethnicity or national rights.

After WWII a mass migration of the Chaldeans from their villages and towns, in particular from those around Mosul, to the big cities ensued. In Baghdad they established private businesses, and entered civil services and government employment. The Chaldean Patriarch Mar Yousef Ghanima (1947-1958) moved his Patriarchal See from Mosul to Baghdad. A new and obvious era of harmonization, integration and the melting of Chaldeans within the Iraqi society began in the big cities and has continued until today.

During the era of the Ba'ath control of Iraq (1968-present) the Chaldean Church and Chaldeans, desirously or forcible, became more faithful to the authority and more cautious toward national politics. It is needless to detail this current and contemporary period, well known to many Zinda readers. But it is worth mentioning an event which occurred in summer of 1977.

Mr. Hashim Shabeb, the Director General of the Iraqi Media and an Iraqi Intelligence service personnel, who was designated by the Ba'ath party leadership to deal with the Assyrian case in Iraq and Diaspora, led a delegation of the Syriac speaking organizations to the United States and England where they met with the Iraqi Assyrians from both Churches. Laudatory rallies were conducted, speeches and parties were organized in order to promote Ba'ath ideology and Iraqi policies. The Chaldean communities warmly welcomed them, while Assyrians insulted them. On their return to Baghdad Mr. Shabeb wrote in his report to the high Ba'ath authority: "The Chaldeans will remain always faithful to the government, loyal to Ba'ath party, trustful & dependable in implementing our strategy toward our Christian minorities in Diaspora, while Assyrians will remain always traitorous and unfaithful to the Iraqi government and the Ba'ath party". It was Mr. Shabeb's secretary, an Assyrian fellow by the name of Zaya, who relayed the content of this report when we met abroad.

Certainly, avoiding politics, disclaiming specific ethnicity or national rights and continuing allegiance to the government authorities would be of great benefits to the non-political groups within a society - namely, the Church that remains well established in Baghdad & other big cities. A great progress was made on many levels, in particular during His Holiness Mar Paulis Shekho (1958-1988)'s long service as Patriarch. A big number of church buildings were built; many new priests and bishops were consecrated and gained high education. Catholic schools were the best in Iraq and the number increased and modern ecclesiastical institutions were established. On the secular level, Chaldeans made the greatest progress among the Iraqi people. They became the most educated people in Iraq; eminent professors, lawyers, doctors, distinguished journalists and famous authors & historians. It is worth mentioning that the first Iraqi girl who entered the School of Medicine at the Baghdad University and became the first woman-doctor was Chaldean.

On business and economic levels, the Chaldeans have greatly contributed to the Iraqi economy. They are everywhere: banks, government offices, industry, trade and private business. They monopolize the hotel and tourism industry, and have brought new style of life into the Iraqi society. On the social scene, they established the famous social clubs in Baghdad namely the Alwiyah, Hindiyah, Al Mashraq and Al Anwar - high class and VIP clubs, without any cultural activities related to the Chaldeans. The Chaldeans were Arab by language and culture, Chaldean by denomination. After Iraqi government's issuance of the so-called "Cultural Rights of the Syriac-Speaking", a massive number of new Chaldean clubs were established. Nearly each Chaldean village formed a club in Baghdad. These were considered of lower class than the previous clubs, and soon became centers for alcohol consumption and bingo games - open to public regardless of religious affiliation or ethnicity. No cultural activities were conducted at these establishments, apart from that of the Chaldean Babylon Club (from Alqush) and Al Akha'a Al Ahli -The Brotherhood Civic Club- (from Zakho). In the latter two clubs a few dramas and activities to promote language and heritage were performed by their most educated members. These were incidentally members or friends of the Assyrian Cultural Club in Baghdad.

In accordance with the above law, some other cultural organizations for Syriac-speakers were established in Baghdad. These included the Cultural Association and the Union of Syriac Writers. By support and encouragement of the Iraqi government, few Chaldean and Syriac clergies, including high ranking bishops, were involved in establishing these organizations. The well-educated and nationalist Assyrians from both denominations, Chaldean and Nestorian, some of them from the Assyrian Cultural Club, joined these organizations. This eventually resulted in shrinking and vanishing of the role of the clergies. The new generation of the nationalists partially succeeded in placing these organizations on the right nationalist path.

A few and good objectives pertaining the language and culture were achieved until the time when the Ba'ath party realized the seriousness of these organizations. These organizations were finally closed down by combining them with the official Iraqi Union of Writers.

However, against this enormous progress made by the Chaldeans, there was a price, a great price, to be paid on their ethnicity and nationalist identity. They gradually began to vanish especially among the Chaldeans living in the larger cities. Language, history, culture and customs, which are the fundamentals of a shared ethnicity with the followers of the other branch of the Church of the East, namely Assyrians, became meaningless. To them Chaldean was only a Church or a Christian denomination and any other given significance on Chaldean ethnicity and shared national identity with the Nestorian Assyrians was unfavorable and had harmful consequences. To Chaldeans, Assyrian means politics, and it is a historic Chaldean custom to avoid national politics. Today, many high ranking Chaldean clergies believe that the unification procedures between the two churches, Chaldean and Assyrian, will be unsuccessful; because the Assyrian Church is a nationalist and political church while Chaldean is not. Any unification between both branches will drag Chaldeans into unwanted problems of politics, they believe. Therefore, disassociating such a name as 'Assyrian' from their denomination or Church was very important to avoid Iraqi authorities' fury, and to maintain the progress made by them, and to protect their advanced status in Iraq from ruin.

Moreover, for the second and third generations of Chaldeans living in the big cities, in particular, among high social classes, Chaldean is no longer an identity. They prefer Christian or Catholic or Christian Arab, rather than Chaldean. This was the basis for the Christian Arab concept, lately used by the Ba'ath Party in its fascist ideology toward all sects of the Assyrians. The 1977 census in Iraq is a practical example. It is the same in the Kurdish administrated northern region of Iraq, where Kurds copied Ba'ath policy toward the minorities. The majority of Chaldeans stood against teaching of the Syriac language alleging that teaching in Kurdish or Arabic languages is more prudent for their children's future than Syriac. This encouraged the Kurds to allege that the Chaldeans are Christian Kurds. At the present time, if an Arab asked a Chaldean in Baghdad or Basrah or Mosul about his identity, he will say he is Massehe (Christian) or "Moslawi" (from Mosul). He will either deny, or feel ashamed, or be afraid to say that he is from Telkeep or Tel Sqoof or Bittnayi or any other great Chaldean Assyrian villages. To them the great Aramaic-Syriac language of the Lord Jesus has become just a "Flehee language" (the language of the peasants), the lowest and discarded social class in the Iraqi mentality.

From the above very brief history of the Chaldean Catholic Church and the Chaldeans' view toward nationalist politics and nationalism, we can firmly conclude that the Church stayed genuine, very faithful to its principles, sincerely instructing its believers in the very true and correct way of separating the church from politics. The Church never became involved in politics or nationalism or claimed for a separate ethnicity or specific or exclusive national or ethnical rights, simply because it is a Church, the Chaldean Catholic Church which honestly and perfectly was and is still representing the Chaldeans and their ecclesiastic interests. As such, there was no need whatsoever for the Chaldeans to establish their own political parties or exclusive nationalistic organizations as long as their identity and general interests were identified by a denomination and the Church was perfectly performing such duties.

However, for the politically conscious followers of the Chaldean Church it was very normal to have nationalist and political aspirations. They joined the Assyrian nationalistic movement in its early stage and lately the Assyrian Universal Alliance or the Assyrian Democratic Movement (ADM). [websites]  Others joined the most revolutionary organizations in Iraq, which adopted armed struggle against Iraqi central governments, as the Iraqi Communist Party (ICP) and Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP).

It is a fallacy to say that the Chaldeans did not establish their own political parties or ethnic organizations due to continuous absolutism of the Iraqi governments. Kurds, Turkomans, Nestorian & Syriac Assyrians even Armenians were more persecuted in Iraq than Chaldeans but they established their own nationalist political organizations. Each is a separate and specific ethnic group, while Chaldean is a denomination and as so they are represented by the Chaldean Church. It is odd that few Chaldeans allege that "Chaldeans shied away from creating their own nationalist political groups and instead opted for securing their rights by joining or establishing other Iraqi political groups". It is true that many Chaldeans joined these groups, as ADM, ICP and KDP and ascended their leaderships. Few of them played a heroic role in their struggle against the Iraqi dictatorial regimes. They did that because these groups were representing and securing their nationalist interests (as with ADM), Iraqi common interests (as with ICP) and regional interests (as with KDP), but not as Chaldean interests. They joined these organizations as Assyrians, Iraqi and Kurdistani. It is nonsense and imperceptible that Chaldeans, who were under continuous persecution of the Iraqi regimes, avoided creating their own nationalist group, meanwhile they joined and created the most revolutionary groups in Iraq, which were continually pursued and tyrannized by the Iraqi regimes.

Now it appears that after more than a decade, a bishop in the Diaspora and his Chaldean followers have found Moses' Stick, and by just one magical stroke are able to create a five thousand year old nation --"The Chaldean Nation"-- a nation separate from the Assyrians. The "Chaldean Renaissance" a novelty of Bishop Mar Sarhad Jammo is not only a historical sophism, but a flagrant contradiction with the facts and reality. Indeed it is a real heresy with respect to the Chaldean Catholic Church. It is a violation to the Chaldean heritage and to its sincere message. In short, such heresy is the beginning of spoiling and distortion of the great Church of the Chaldeans, and even more, it is an attempt to destroy the positive trends and steps of unification between the two churches, Chaldean and Assyrian. If Mar Jammo's notion of the "Chaldean nation" was not well received among Chaldeans in Detroit and resulted without any conclusive support, then we can imagine what will happen to him if he stood on stage of Al Mashraq club in Baghdad and delivered his ideas to the Chaldean who "are 3.5% of the Iraqi population".

It is well known that all the Chaldeans bishops are well educated in history of their nation & church. They are well aware of their Assyrian background and heritage. They know that the Chaldeans who inhabited the plains and mountains of Ashur, geographically and objectively are Assyrians more than the inhabitants of Hakkari, but denominationalism, and sometimes their traditional faithfulness to their Church, has covered up this fact.

The issue of Chaldean nationalist identity has existed since early days of the Assyrian nationalism, which emerged in the late years of the 19th century. A single nationalist name for all denominations of the Church of the East was the main problem in particular among clergies who were the major determiners and players. Many Chaldeans and Syriac Orthodoxies joined in, led and wrote on Assyrian nationalism but did not solve the problem which has been inherited and continues until today. In spite of that, no one, ecclesiastical or secular, dared to call for a specific Chaldean nation separate from the Assyrians. No doubt, some of the Chaldean writers, mainly clergies, called Syriac language as Chaldean or referred to Chaldean as people but all these given definitions were within denominational understanding, not nationalistic.

Now, there is a question full of skepticism on reasons for raising this separatist and devastating issue today. We are the most desperate nation when it comes to unity and solidarity. Based on historical facts and today's reality, I can attribute such destructive behavior to one or more of the following reasons:

  1. The contemporary history of the Assyrians shows that there is a direct relation between nationalism and denominationalism in their society. The more nationalism develops and progresses the more denominationalism becomes agitated and excited. The successful nationalist policy and consequently the great achievements made by the Assyrian Democratic Movement (ADM) are unlimited to be described. Teaching Syriac language, surpasses the denominational borders & ascends many Chaldeans leadership and ministerial posts. United State's recent recognition of the ADM as a democratic organization entitled for financial and political support is another. All are of great progress and of ever first-time achievements in our modern history. In Diaspora, the Assyrian name is everywhere, through political parties, social & cultural organization, Radio, TV & Satellite channels, websites and in international conferences and meetings. All this has agitated apprehensions of the denominationalists and considered as real threat to their personal and denominational interests. The allegations of the "Chaldean nation" and "Chaldean renaissance" are denominationalists' reaction to the progress made through Assyrian nationalism. The distorted and ridiculous idea that any Chaldean or Syriac joining an Assyrian political party or organization, or declaring oneself as Assyrian would be deemed as an apostate from his Chaldean or Syriac Church still controls many clergies and denominationalists, leading to dire consequences.
  2. The United States' Act of Iraq Liberation and its US $ 97 million financial support to the Iraqi opposition groups is unique and a constructive move. When President Bush recognized the ADM as a democratic organization and entitled it for financial support, most Assyrians and genuine Chaldeans were more than happy for such accomplishment. A first of its kind in the Assyrian history. On the other side, for some denominationalists of Chaldean community this was a disappointing move adding to the previous disappointment when the Iraqi opposition groups in their meeting in London last October 2002 mentioned Assyrian rights only without referring to the Chaldeans. Now, the "Chaldean renaissance", Chaldean National Congress, creations of new Chaldean nation and etc, all come as reaction to such disappointments and an act to "get a piece of the cake" and prevent ADM from obtaining "the Chaldean share." While any visitor to Garbia (North Iraq) can observe that ADM's nationalist policies cover and include all Assyrians without any denominational regards.
  3. In politics, there is no permanent friend or enemy, as Winston Churchill said. Politics eventually is interests. Political experiences show that it is not necessary to be friends in order to meet interests of both parties. There might be mutual interests without friendship or accord or signed agreements. During WWI, the interests of the two rivals, Britain and France, met in defeating the Ottoman Empire. The same happened during WWII; the mutual interests of the United States and the European democratic countries were the same as the communist state of the Soviet Union in defeating Nazism and Fascism. Today there are many examples confirming this "national interests' theory.

Hence, everyone knows that one of the main strategies of the Iraqi Ba'ath regime is the elimination of the Assyrian nation through denominationalism. The current Ba'ath regime had inherited the Iraqi mentality toward Assyrians and ideologically and politically has put it in practice. The Ba'ath's apprehensions of the Assyrian name reached to a degree that can be named as "Assyrian Phobia". Assyrians in Iraq are neither a sizeable community, nor a financially and politically influential group. They are the most indigenous people of Iraq with magnificent history and obvious nationalist constituents; therefore, any logic and practical Assyrian claim will easily be legitimized and acceptable by the international community. Moreover Assyrians in Diaspora are very active and are the "loud voice" of the Assyrian case in particular through their web sites and Internets, the Mighty God's Blessing to Assyrians.

These immunities did incite Iraqi regime to avoid as much as possible the physical persecution and to compel to measurements that are more "peaceful" such as encouraging denominationalism among Assyrians and crumbling them into smaller sectarian fractions, which will be much easier to be consumed in the “Christian Arab” melting pot.

The “Chaldean Renaissance” allegation and other denominationalists' calls are in agreement with the same Ba'ath policy and serve the same purpose in dismantling the Assyrian nation into small denominations. This agreement in purpose does not mean that the Chaldean propagandists are in agreement with Ba'ath party or are their agents. There is no such thing to be proven and is not our intention to do so, but they should know that they are carrying out the mission on behalf of Ba'ath party in Iraq. This favor could be appreciated by Ba'ath party and probably will turn their eyes away from involving the Chaldean clergies in politics as long as it can serve the Ba'ath strategy in destroying the Assyrian nation.

On the contrary, in Garbia the propagandists for "Chaldeanism" are in full agreement with the Kurds and with the Kurdistan Democratic Party. For instance the founder of so-called "Chaldean Democratic Union Party" is a well-known senior member of the KDP, a real puppet for Barazani and a denominational tool in the hands of his Kurdish party to destroy the Assyrian unity, to contain ADM's role and to repulse its successful achievements and progress. Such ill representation by a disreputable person is an abuse to Chaldean community more than to the whole of the Assyrian nation.

  1. The experience of the last couple of years of negotiations between the Chaldean and Assyrian churches had proven that there is an imbalance of ecclesiastical capability and nationalistic consciences between both churches and communities. The Chaldean Church institutionally, financially and administratively has improved. Her clergies are well educated and obtained high degrees. The Assyrian church is still following the traditional and out of date systems, in particular with regard to educating the clergies. Sending young Assyrians to Rome for study in Catholic institutions in order to become bishops for future is a means of reducing the gap, a good move indeed.

On the nationalist side, the followers of the Assyrian Church have more developed and well-established political and ethnic organizations and extensive experience, while the Chaldeans are in general farthest away from national politics & ethnic affairs and without organizations with national identity. The godfathers of the unification of the two Churches believe that a combination of Assyro-Chaldean or Chaldo-Assyrian name is a fundamental base for a successful unity of the two Churches in one church without any consideration to the nationalistic name whether it be a single name or a combination of two or more. In order to successfully build up such a combinatory title and bring it to life, the Chaldeans should have the same nationalistic organizations and upgrade their denominational status to an ethnic level same as the Assyrians. Such upgrading needs clubs against clubs, websites against websites, Chaldean News agency against Assyrian News agency, federation against federation, flag against flag, Chaldean National Congress against Assyrian National Congress, Chaldean Cultural Center against Assyrian Cultural Center, Chaldean Democratic Union Party against Assyrian Democratic Movement and so on.

In short, Chaldeans need to be a nation as long as the Assyrians are a nation, so that nation-to-nation will make an equal and balanced combination of Chaldo-Assyrian, a good and satisfactory name for a "New Nation and a New Church" and will solve the problem of the identity and name of the Church and the Nation. In principle, the idea of upgrading Chaldean national status is worthwhile, but it is absolutely on the wrong direction. Chaldean as a denomination cannot be put on the same denominational track and be call nationalistic. This will lead to nowhere but the destruction of our Nation and Churches. The real Chaldeans need to correct the direction and place their community on the real and objective nationalist track otherwise the hoped balance of unification will never occur. The slashing combinations of Assyrian/Chaldean/Syriac during the USA census of year 2000 had given a negative result to all sects of the nation. I am sure that attempts of upgrading Chaldeans from denominational status to a nationalist level without using the right measurements will definitely result in more separation and destruction of our nation and eventually of our churches.

It is nonsense to argue with the propagandists of the "Chaldean nation" on the right nationalist track of their community, which is Assyrian because they know this fact much more than any other non-Chaldean. As long as this fact is closely related to politics, denominational mentality and personal interests will continue decaying our nation's entity including our churches. However, the excuse that the Chaldeans used to identify their collective identity by such name for so many years and they cannot easily relinquish and replace it by something different is acceptable and respectable. But, at the same time, Chaldean as a church and denomination should not mix it with nationalism and confuse the ordinary people. Assyrian is not a replacement for Chaldean. They are two different worlds, spiritual and national, soul and material, completing one another but never replacing each other.

National identity is not a man-made name; it is not fabrication of intellectuals meeting or nationalistic conference or a conclusion of a professor's article or lecture. It is the Mighty God's blessing to a people. It is an outcome of very long historical procedures, which are beyond man's control. It is non-adoptable, changeable, or replaceable. It is a matter of life and death to a people who are willing to sacrifice their lives for the sake of their identity. Look at the Assyrian name; from the early time of the world and human creation, from the biblical time until today's time, the Assyrian name is still surviving through very long and bloody processes. How can we expect that Assyrians, after paying the greatest price in maintaining their name, will accept a change or modification of their identity? It is a divine miracle that Assyrian name has survived for such a long time!


Arabic version

?لكنيسة الكلدانية الكاثوليكية والسياسة القومية

أبرم شبيرا – لندن

 

?ي منتصف القرن التاسع عشر تحددت المعالم الرئيسية للكنيسة الكلدانية الكاثوليكية واستقرت أمورها القانونية والرسمية وتحديداً في شهر كانون أول من عام 1847 عندما ثبت الفاتيكان مار يوسف أودو بطريركاً على الكنيسة وأطلق عليه ولأول مرة أسم بطريرك الكلدان في بابل، ثم اعترفت السلطات العثمانية بها وشملتها بنظامها المعروف بـ "نظام ميليت" الذي كان ينظم العلاقة بين المسلمين الحاكمين والمسيحيين الخاضعين. فمنذ تلك الفترة بقيت الكنيسة الكلدانية دائماً وبشكل مستمر موالية للسلطات المركزية والمحلية ولم تتدخل في المسائل السياسية إطلاقاً ولم تطالب بحقوق سياسية أو قومية ولا ادعت بأنها تشكل قومية معينة أو اثنية خاصة بأتباعها منفصلة أو مختلفة عن بقية أتباع فروع كنيسة المشرق وتحديد أتباع كنيسة الأم، الكنيسة النسطورية.

 

فمنذ نشوء الفكرية القومية وقفت الكنيسة الكاثوليكية وبشكل عام موقفاً مضاداً للأيديولوجية القومية وحاربت كل حركات التحرر القومي. ففي عام 1894 عقد مجمع كنسي من خمسة وثلاثين أسقفاً في فينا عاصمة النمسا حول التحرر القومي والفكرة القومية الداعية إلى انفصال الأقاليم الخاضعة للإمبراطورية الواحدة وتشكيل الدول القومية منها على أساس اللغة والثقافة والتاريخ. ففي بداية اجتماعهم صلوا وتضرعوا لله ليحفظ الإمبراطور فرانز جوزيف (1830 – 1916) إمبراطور النمسا والمجر، الذي "أستلم نعمة من السماء في حماية وتقوية وتوحيد الشعوب في إمبراطورية واحدة" وفي ختام اجتماعهم أعلنوا بأن " اختلاف الشعوب في اللغة، وهو الأساس الرئيسي للفكرة القومية، هو نتيجة خطيئة ومعصية الإنسان ودليل على غضب الله على عليه".

 

كان من الطبيعي جداً أن تتأثر الكنيسة الكلدانية الكاثوليكية بهذا التوجيه العام والرسمي للكنيسة الكاثوليكية وأن تتحد مصالحها واهتمامها ونشاطها بالأمور الكنسية والطائفية فحسب من دون شيء آخر. ولكن عندما وصلت الفكرة القومية وأفكار التحرر القومي، ومنها حق تقرير الشعوب لمصيرهم إلى الناطق العثمانية، وألهب الشعوب المحبة للحرية والاستقلال بدأت الأمور بالتغير، كما بدأ موقف الكنيسة الكاثوليكية بشكل عام بالتغير أيضاً وعدم معارضتها لهذه الحركات بل تأييد بعضها، ولكن موقف الكنيسة الكلدانية الكاثوليكية وأكليركيتها لم يتغير أبداً فبقى كما كان في السابق.

 

أثناء الحرب العالمية الأولى أعلن الأتراك الجهاد (الحرب المقدسة) ضد المسيحيين وشاركت فرنسا، "حامية الأقليات المسيحية الكاثوليكية في الإمبراطورية العثمانية"، في الحرب ضد الأتراك، غير أن الكنيسة الكلدانية بقية على نفس موقفها السابق وموالية جداً للسلطة العثمانية المتهاوية، بل وأكثر من ذلك، حيث وقفت بالضد من بعض أتباعها الذين شاركوا في الحركة القومية الآشورية أو الذين أيدوا وروجوا الأيديولوجية القومية. وقد كان مثل هذا الموقف فرصة مناسبة للأتراك لاستغلاله ضد الحركة القومية الآشورية الناشئة التي كانت بقيادة بطريرك كنيسة المشرق الآشورية "النسطورية". فعندما اغتيل البطريرك الآشوري مار شمعون بنيامين في آذار عام 1981 من قبل المجرم سمكو آغا زعيم قبائل الشيكاك الكردية المشاكسة وتولى من بعد كرسي البطريركية أخوه مار شمعون بولص، حاولت السلطات التركية استغلال هذا الوضع المأساوي عن طريق البطريرك الكلداني مار عمانوئيل يوسف لقبول مار شمعون بولص العروض المغرية التي عرضت عليه مقابل الخضوع للسلطات التركية والتنازل عن مقاومتها إلا أن جميع المحاولات باءت بالفشل. وعندما توفي البطريرك مار شمعون بولص في عام 1920 لم يكن لأتباعه كنيسة في بغداد لإجراء مراسيم الجنازة والدفن فطلبوا من البطريرك عمانوئيل يوسف بأجراء تلك المراسيم في كنيسة كلدانية غير أنه رفض طلبهم، فاضطروا اللجوء إلى الأرمن حيث تم قبول طلبهم وأجريت مراسيم الجنازة والدفن في الكنيسة الأرمنية.

 

تغير العالم كله بعد الحرب العالمية الأولى ولم تغير الكنيسة الكلدانية إطلاقاً موقفها من المسألة القومية. فقد زالت الإمبراطورية العثمانية ونشأت حركات قومية جديدة بما فيها العربية واليهودية والآشورية والكردية والأرمنية، وتأسست الدولة التركية الحديثة ودول قومية أخرى ومنها دول عربية جديدة كما شكل من القسم الأكبر من بلاد ما بين النهرين دولة العراق الحديثة وطبقا لهذه المجريات السياسية تحدد أيضا مسار الحركة القومية الآشورية، ولكن كل هذه العاصفة التي أحدثتها الحرب الكونية الأولى والنتائج التي ترتب عليها لم تزحزح الموقف المبدئي للكلدان من عدم التدخل في السياسة أو تبني مسألة قومية أو المطالبة بحقوق قومية، بل على العكس من هذا تماما فقد أكدوا خلال هذه الأحداث وما بعدها على إخلاصهم وولاءهم للسلطات الحكومية مطبقين قول الرسول متي الإنجيلي عندما قال "أعطوا لقيصر ما لقيصر ولله ما لله" (متى 22:21) و متابعين قول القديس بولص عندما قال مخاطباً الرومانيين "على كل نفس أن تخضع للسلطات الحاكمة. فلا سلطة إلا من عند الله، والسلطات القائمة مرتبة من قبل الله. حتى إن من يقاوم السلطة، يقاوم ترتيب الله، والمقاومون سيجلبون العقاب على أنفسهم" (رسالة إلى مؤمني روما: 13).

 

هكذا في كل الأماكن والأزمان بقيت الكنيسة الكلدانية، ككنيسة حقيقية عظيمة، وظل أكليريتها، باعتبارهم أكثر المؤمنين ثقافة ودراية في كنيسة المشرق بجميع فروعها، مخلصين لكلمة الله ومتابعين لتعاليم ربنا يسوع المسيح بأسلم الطرق وأدقها. ففي فترة الحكم البريطاني المباشر للعراق (1917 – 1921)، أجرى مكتب المفوض البريطاني المدني في العراق استفتاءا شعبياً حول طبيعة ونوعية الحكم الواجب أقامته في العراق بين جميع فئات وطبقات وطوائف وملل وعشائر الشعب العراقي، فكان جواب الطائفة الكلدانية كما يلي "نحن جماعة الطائفة الكلدانية الكاثوليكية، نحي إمبراطورية بريطانيا العظمى التي حررتنا من عبودية الأتراك ومن السخرة التي مورست ضدنا. نتوسل لعنايتكم أن نبقى تحت ظل الإمبراطورية البريطانية حتى نكون مثل بقية الشعوب نعيش في دولة متقدمة ومزدهرة، ونصلي دوماً لجلالة الملك جورج الخامس الجالس بسعادة على العرش – موقع من قبل البطريرك الكلداني مع 30 شخصية معروفة من الكلدان الكاثوليك في الموصل" (أنظر وثيقة – تقرير المصير في العراق – مكتب المفوض المدني 1914 – 1917 ، المكتبة البريطانية – رقم الوثيقة ST. 48/14 ).

 

لا ضرورة لمقارنة موقف الكنيسة الكلدانية الكاثوليكية بخصوص القومية وتبني السياسات القومية أو مطالبتها للحقوق القومية ببقية فروعه كنيسة المشرق وتحديد الكنيسة الآشورية "النسطورية" فموقف هذه الكنيسة الأخيرة معروف ومفصل في الكثير من المصادر، ولكن ضرورة المقارنة مع موقف الكنيسة السريانية الأرثوذكسية تفرض نفسها لمعرفة المزيد عن مواقف فروع كنيسة المشرق من المسألة القومية. ففي نفس الوثيقة المار ذكرها أعلاه كان موقف الكنيسة السريانية الأرثوذكسية كما يلي: "نحن أبناء الأمة السريانية القديمة المعروفة بـ "اليعاقبة" متشاركين مع طائفة البروتستانت في العراق نقدم شكرنا الكبير للرب الذي خلصنا من عبودية الأتراك عندما دخلوا القوات البريطانية المنتصرة مدينتا الموصل وانعموا علينا بالحرية بعد أن كنا قد وصلنا في عهد الأتراك إلى مستوى العبودية، تلك الحرية التي دخلت بريطانيا العظمى الحرب من أجلها… نحن الذين ننتمي إلى الجنس الآشوري من بين الذين تم تحررهم، فحاجتنا الأساسية هي حكومة تدير شؤوننا، ترشد شبابنا، تربي أطفالنا، وتضعنا في مقام الأمم المتمدنة وتضمن الأمن في أرضنا. فنحن لا يمكننا تحقيق مثل هذه النعم إلا بمساعدة رجال أكفاء قادرون على إدارة شؤوننا. ومن الواضح بأن مثل هؤلاء الرجال لا وجود لهم في مجتمعنا لإدارة شؤون الأمة وبالتالي لا نستطيع أن نحكم أنفسنا لهذا نتوسل إلى الحكومة البريطانية بأن تتفضل بإدارة مجتمعنا الآشوري في ولاية الموصل إلى حين الوقت الذي نستطيع أن نحكم نفسها بأنفسنا … - موقع من قبل مطران اليعاقبة في الموصل مع 30 شخصية معروفة من جماعته وبعض ممثلي البروتستانت – ".

 

في عام 1921 تأسست الحكومة المدنية العراقية وفي عام 1932 رفع الانتداب البريطاني على العراق وأعلن كدولة مستقبلة وقبلت عضواً في عصبة الأمم بدون إلزام هذه الدولة الفتية بأية ضمانات أو مسؤوليات تجاه حماية الأقليات في العراق، في الوقت الذي كانت الحركة القومية الآشورية في قمة غليانها، فكان نتيجة ذلك مذبحة الآشوريين في سميل في صيف عام 1933 التي ارتكبت من قبل الجيش العراقي وبدأت المناهج القديمة-الحديثة العثمانية الفاشية تنتعش في يد الباشاوات والجنرالات العراقية وتطبقها على الآشوريين. فكل هذه الأحداث المأساوية أثرت وبشكل عميق على أوضاع الأقليات المسيحية في العراق، فأستمر الخوف والخنوع مهيمناً على عقلهم ومشاعرهم تجاه الحكام المسلمين والذي أدى بالنهاية إلى تأكيد الكلدان ولاءهم للحكومة الجديدة وإخلاصهم لها مع بقائهم أكثر عزلة عن السياسات القومية أو المطالبة بأية حقوق قومية أو أثنية خاصة. هكذا بقي الكلدان مخلصين وبشكل مستمر لجميع الحكومات التي تعاقبت على حكم المنطقة من الأتراك والإنكليز والعرب ومن دون أن يتدخلوا في السياسة ويتورطوا في السياسات القومية.

 

بعد الحرب العالمية الثانية كانت هناك هجرات جماعية من القرى والبلدان الكلدانية في شمال العراق إلى المدن العراقية الكبيرة وخاصة إلى بغداد وشملت هذه أيضا نقل البطريرك مار يوسف غنيمة (1947 – 1958) كرسي البطريركية الكلدانية من الموصل إلى بغداد، حيث أنخرطوا في الأعمال التجارية الخاصة وفي أعمال الخدمات المدنية وفي الوظائف الحكومية، فكان ذلك بداية مرحلة جديدة وواضحة من انسجام وتكامل وانصهار الكلدان في المجتمع العراقي خاصة في المدن الكبيرة والذي استمر حتى يومنا هذا. وخلال مرحلة الحكم البعثي العراقي (1968 وحتى اليوم) أصبح الكلدان، سواء بالترغيب أو الترهيب، أكثر مخلصين للسلطة السياسية وأكثر ابتعاداً عن السياسة القومية وحساسية تجاهها. أنه من الإطناب الحديث عن هذه المرحلة ذلك لأنها مرحلة معاصرة ومعروفة للكثير ولكن للتأكيد عليها أود أن أسوق هذا المثال التالي، الذي حدث في صيف عام 1977:

 

كان السيد هشام شبيب مدير الصحافة في وزارة الثقافة والإعلام العراقية وأحد عناصر المخابرات العراقية قد كلف للتعامل مع القضية الآشورية في العراق والمهجر. ففي صيف من عام 1977 ترأس وفداً من الأندية والمؤسسات الناطقين بالسريانية إلى الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية وإنكلترا حيث هناك التقى بالآشوريين من أتباع الكنيستين الكلدانية والمشرقية "النسطورية" وعقدوا هناك عدد من الندوات وألقوا الكثير من الخطب ونظموا الحفلات واللقاءات كلها مدحاً وتطبيلاً بالنظام العراقي والترويج عن سياسيات حزب البعث الحاكم. ففي جميع التجمعات الكلدانية التي زاروها رحبوا بهم أيما ترحيب في حين لقوا الإهانات عندما التقوا بالآشوريين. وعند عودتهم إلى بغداد كتب السيد هاشم شبيب تقريره إلى قيادة حزب البعث ومن ضمن ما جاس فيه هو "سيبقى الكلدان مخلصين دائماً للحكومة وموالين لسلطة البعث وموضع ثقة واعتماد في تحقيق إستراتيجيتها تجاه أقلياتنا المسيحية في المهجر، بينما سيبقى الآشوريين دائماً خونة وغير مخلصين للحكومة العراقية وحزب البعث". ولقد كان سكرتير السيد هاشم شخص آشوري أسمه (زيا) هو الذي كشف لنا موضوع هذا التقرير عند الالتقاء به خارج العراق.

 

بالتأكيد أن تجنب السياسة وعدم المطالبة بحقوق قومية أو أثنية مستقلة واستمرار موالاة السلطات الحكومية سوف يترتب عليه منافع جمة على الجوانب غير السياسية لتلك الفئة، كما كان الحال مع الكلدان في العراق حيث استقرت وازدهرت كنيستهم بشكل كبير في بغداد والمدن العراقية الكبيرة الأخرى وحقق الكلدان تقدماً على مختلف الأصعدة، خاصة في الفترة الطويلة لخدمة مار بولص شيخو (1958 – 1988) كبطريرك للكنيسة الكلدانية، حيث بنيت في عهده عدد كبير من الكنائس ورسم كهنة ومطارنة جدد وحصل معظمهم تقريباً على تعليم عال، وكانت المدارس الكاثوليكية من أحسن المدارس في العراق وفي عهد مار بولص زاد عددها وتوسعت أكثر كما أسست معاهد كهونتية وطورت بعضها بشكل تنسجم مع التطورات الجديدة. وعلى المستوى العلماني والمدني، فقد حقق الكلدان أكبر تقدماً بين العراقيين قاطبة، فكانوا أكثر تعليماً وثقافة فالكثير منهم كانوا أساتذة ومحاميين وأطباء وصحافيين مشهورين ومؤرخين وكتاب وشعراء. ويكفي أن نذكر بأن أول فتاة عراقية دخلت الكلية الطبية لجامعة بغداد ثم تخرجت كأول سيدة تمارس الطب كان من الطائفة الكلدانية. وعلى مستوى الأعمال والاقتصاد، فقد ساهم الكلدان مساهمة كبيرة في الاقتصاد العراقي حيث كانوا في كل مكان، في البنوك وفي دوائر الدولة وفي الصناعة والتجارة وفي الأعمال الحرة، وفي مرحلة ما سيطروا سيطرة تامة على الأعمال الفندقية والسياحية وتمكنوا من خلق نمط جديد ومتمدن للحياة الاجتماعية في العراق. وعلى المستوى الاجتماعي فقد كانوا قد أسسوا أشهر الأندية في العراق منها نادي العلوية والهندية والمشرق والأنوار والتي كانت أندية الطبقات الراقية والشخصيات المهمة في بغداد، ولكن كانت بدون أية نشاطات ثقافية متعلقة بالكلدان، حيث كانت أندية عربية من حيث اللغة والثقافة والتقاليد، وكلدانية من حيث الانتماء الطائفي.

 

بعد إصدار الحكومة العراقية قرارها الخاص بما يسمى "الحقوق الثقافية للنطاقين بالسريانية من الآثوريين والكلدان والسريان" في عام 19،72 تأسس عدد كبير من الأندية الكلدانية بحيث يمكن القول بأن كلية قرية أو بلدة كلدانية أسس لها نادي اجتماعي في بغداد وكانت هذه الأندية في الحقيقة ذات مستوى أقل من مستوى الأندية السابقة، سرعان ما أصبحت مراكز لتعاطي الكحول ولعبة البنكو وأصبحت أبوابها مفتوحة لكل واحد من دون اعتبار للانتماء الديني أو القومي ولم تكن تمارس أبداً أية نشاطات ثقافية تذكر خاصة بالكلدان باستثناء نادي بابل الكلداني (غالبية مؤسسها وأعضائها من بلدة ألقوش) ونادي الإخاء الأهلي (غالبية مؤسسها وأعضائها من بلدة زاخو) اللذان مارسا بعض النشاطات الثقافية وعرضا بعض المسرحيات من قبل بعض أعضائها الواعيين أو الذين كانوا أعضاء أو أصدقاء النادي الثقافي الآشوري في بغداد. وطبقا لنفس القرار، كان بعض المؤسسات الثقافية للناطقين بالسريانية قد تأسست أيضا في بغداد منها الجمعية الثقافية واتحاد الأدباء والكتاب حيث بتشجيع من بعض العناصر الحكومية شارك رجال الدين وبعض المطارنة من الكلدان والسريان في تأسيس هذه المؤسسات وإدارتها في سنواتها الأولى ولكن بمجرد أن بدأ بعض العناصر القومية الآشورية من الطائفتين الكلدانية والمشرقية النسطورية، وكان بعضهم من أعضاء النادي الثقافي الآشورية، المشاركة في نشاطات هذه المؤسسات وتحوليها نحو المسار الثقافي القومي الصحيح والذي نتج عن تحقيق بعض الإنجازات الثقافية واللغوية المهمة بدأ وجود رجال الدين بالاختفاء والتلاشي فأدركت السلطات المعنية خطورة هذه المؤسسات فلجأت إلى إغلاقها ودمجها مع الاتحاد العام (الرسمي) للكتاب العراقيين فأصبحت بحكم المنتهي.

 

على أية حال، كان إزاء هذا التقدم الهائل للكلدان في العراق ثمناً باهظاً يستوجب دفعه على حساب الهوية القومية والأثنية، حيث بدأ تدريجياً بزوال المقومات الأساسية لهويتهم في المدن الكبيرة. فاللغة والتاريخ والثقافة والعادات ، والتي هي أسس الهوية المشتركة مع بقية أتباع فروع كنيسة المشرق ، وتحديداً الآشوريين، بدأت تفقد معناها عندهم. بالكلدان بالنسبة لهم كانت كنيسة أو طائفة مسيحية وأية معنى قومي أو أثني معطى لهذه التسمية ويجعلهم في شركة مع نفس الهوية القومية للآشوريين كانت حالة غير مرغوبة ولها نتائج وخيمة، ذلك لأن الآشورية بالنسبة للكدان تعني السياسة وأن تجنب السياسة والمسائل القومية هو تقليد كلداني قديم يستجوب التمسك به وعدم التدخل في السياسة عن طريق ربط الكلدان بالآشوريين. وحتى في هذا اليوم، يرى بعض رجال الدين الكلدان بأن خطوات التقارب والوحدة بين الكنيستين الكلدانية والآشورية سوف لا تنجح لأن الكنيسة الآشورية هي قومية ومسيسة في حين الكلدانية هي بعيد عن هذا التوجه. فأية وحدة أو تقارب بين الكنيستين سوف يجر الكلدان نحو مشاكل سياسية غير محمودة العواقب لهذا السبب فأن تجريد الاسم الآشوري من الطائفة الكلدانية ومن كنيستها والابتعاد عنه مسألة مهمة في تجنب غضب وهيجان السلطات العراقية وفي الحفاظ على الإنجازات الكبيرة التي حققها الكلدان في العراق وحماية وضعهم المتقدم من الانهيار، مثل ذلك الانهيار والتشتت الذي أصاب الآشوريين وكنيستهم من جراء تدخلهم في المسائل القومية ومطالبتهم لحقوقهم.

 

والأكثر من هذا، فالأجيال الحالية الكلدانية التي تعيش في المدن الكبيرة وخاصة بين الطبقات الغنية والراقية لم تعد الكلدانية هوية لهم، فهم يفضلون المسيحية أو الكاثوليكية، لا بل فالبعض يفضل أسم "العرب المسيحيون" على الكلدان، وهي الحالة التي خلقت الأساس السياسي لمفهو