Armenian, Assyrian and Hellenic Genocide News

Devlet Bahceli and the third Tanzimat period
by Professor Huseyin Bagci - TURKISH Daily News. - 02 Dec. 2000
Posted: Monday, December 04, 2000 06:34 am CST

Comments and Analysis

Any observer could easily see from his latest statements how Bahceli has changed into a politician who strongly defends the unitary state structure and is a 'language patriot' to compare with Charles de Gaulle who guided France after World War II

The speech by Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahceli during the party congress on Nov. 4 was not only more than two hours long but also contained numerous messages on developments in and outside of Turkey.

Part of his speech was devoted to Turkish-EU relations and his statements showed that he was also in favour of a close relationship with the European Union with full membership as the eventual aim. Therefore he was critical of the EU and its politicians concerning their style and rhetoric in dealing with Turkey. Bahceli is no doubt a politician who should be watched very closely. He has since the beginning been very cautious in his approach towards Europe and is the politician who has, thus far, made more political compromises than the other leaders of the coalition government. His party, in his words, has not changed but has grown. This is true. Thus he realizes that like himself his party must also change on certain issues if he intends to attract center-right votes in the next elections.

Bahceli is, politically speaking, the "balancing factor" in the coalition and it seems that he will remain so. His personality and way of addressing people gives the impression that he is a very serious statesman and knows where nationalism ends and patriotism begin. Although his party claims to be nationalist, under his leadership it has become more and more patriotic.

Any observer could easily see from his latest statements how Bahceli has changed into a politician who strongly defends the unitary state structure and is a "language patriot" to compare with Charles de Gaulle who guided France after World War II. However this historical analogy does not fit exactly though clear similarities are evident. Then, when the head of Turkey's National Intelligence Organization (MIT) Senkal Atasagun started the Kurdish language debate with the permission of the prime minister, he stated that some wanted to take Turkey back to the Tanzimat period and added that like during that period there were some people who wanted mandatory rule by external powers. The Tanzimat period, though, was also the beginning of the Westernization/modernization of the Ottoman Empire which is still going on.

Last year when Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit sent a letter to German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder on May 26 he confirmed the political will of Turkey to continue with the reforms which the EU expected from Turkey. This letter actually opened the way to candidacy status in Helsinki. It could be described as the "third Tanzimat period" in Turkish-European relations and all those discussions could be considered in those terms.

Bahceli is also aware of what Martha Finnemore, an expert in human rights studies says: "Before the 20th century virtually all instances of military intervention to protect people other than intervener's own nationals involved protection of Christian from Ottoman Turks. In at least four instances during the 19th century, European states used humanitarian claims to influence Balkan policy in ways that would have required states to use force: In the Greek War of Independence (1821-1827); in the Lebanon/Syria conflict of 1860-1861; during the Bulgarian agitation of 1876-1878; and in response to the Armenian massacres (1894-1917)."

So current EU expectations in the Accession Partnership Document of Nov. 8 on Kurdish language rights and TV broadcasting are milder than ever. Not to forget though that this debate was started by Turkish institutions and the Turkish public will be psychologically prepared, which was not the case before. How is it possible on the other hand that the government is not unified on this issue? Bahceli is speaking as if he is in opposition. The same views are expressed by True Path Party (DYP) leader Tansu Ciller and Virtue Party (FP) leader Recai Kutan. Why then does Bahceli as deputy prime minister not call for Atasagun's resignation?

The whole world is watching Turkey and there is not consensus on this issue From the government. Kurdish TV broadcasting, so it seems, will be initiated sooner than many expect. For the first time in many years the future is clear and open. When former Prime Minister Turgut Ozal suggested similar moves in the early '90s he was strongly criticized and almost declared a traitor by some journalists in leading dailies. Now their criticism is not there but the topic is the same. In the newspapers the analysis was that the MIT got 10 out of 10 (tam puan). What does that mean in political terminology? Obviously the broadcasting will be implemented very soon.

What is to be done now? On Monday the EU General Affairs Council meeting will most probably take the Cyprus and Aegean issues from the agenda and include them in another document. The Greek side will no doubt be persuaded to do so. Therefore, at the Nice summit Turkey will be urged to begin Kurdish TV broadcasting which is indeed de facto the case in the East and Southeast -- done illegally by MED-TV for years.

The third Tanzimat period will be different then. This time the Turkish side has to realize the reforms if Turkey wants to join the club. It is not an easy game. Bahceli's statement now creates a new discussion: Who is for a new Tanzimat, who is not? Europe's policy towards Turkey in style and rhetoric can be discussed. But, Turkey's modernization and democratization is a fact which no political party and political leader can avoid. Bahceli is aware of that.

The only problem is whether or not Europe's view of Turkey is, as he demanded in his speech at the party congress, actually clear. A stronger and more modern Turkey is called for. For this the country must work much harder. Otherwise, why is Turkey preparing a national program for EU membership? To be divided or to be weaker? Those questions must also be answered -- questions that are certainly about a "third Tanzimat period."

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